Category: History & Politics

  • How the World Works

    Noam Chomsky

    I think the biggest proof of the US hegemony that Chomsky brings up regularly is how (relatively) unknown he is to the world at large. Because it’s not the kind of publicity the US would like. It’s true that the name has come up in many conversations online, and that is the reason I picked up this book, but for his quality of ideas, he really should be known and quoted a lot more.

    This book serves as a great introduction to Chomsky’s perspectives, not just because of the different topics that have been covered, but also because of how accessible it is – thanks to it being derived from the spoken word through Chomsky’s many media interactions. And yes, the index does help when you want to read about a specific topic and get a quote. There is some repetition, but that is to be expected, and as a contemporary reader, we may not have all the contexts, but that’s also a small price to pay. 

    Of the many topics covered, the US government acting as a bully inside and outside the country is one that’s central. Calling out its usage of government agencies, its military, its allies, as well as international organisations like the UN to enforce its will on nations is what makes Chomsky unpopular. Any nation or leader that attempts an alternate path, especially that is good for the people in the long term, is at the receiving end of many deterrents – local and international – acting in the interest of the US. Because an example is dangerous – it shows that something is possible, countries like Vietnam and many countries in Latin America like Brazil have had to pay the price. All of this became even more easier once the Cold War ended. Though it was convenient to show the USSR as the bogeyman, the US was also good at creating other villains. Within the country, the idea is to ensure that the social, economic and political agenda of an elite class is implemented and also that the general public doesn’t get to have a say in the matter even though it’s supposed to be a democracy. Big business has an important play in this and over a period of time, media which is supposed to be a conscience-keeper, becomes a cheerleader. 

    It’s amazing how well his insights age, as many of them can be used in current contexts. It is also fascinating to see history rhyme – Daimler-Benz and Fidelity as predecessors to Big Tech in holding cities ransom and threatening to vote with their feet if they didn’t get tax cuts.


    On one hand, it is a little heartening that the problems we face now aren’t new. The scale and manifestation might have changed, but the fundamental causes are the same. On the other hand, it does seem that there really is no hope on things getting better – the wealth gap decreasing, or the common citizen getting a level playing field. Chomsky’s view is that these are not laws of nature and that the individual can play a role in changing things, but he points out that it only works if everyone takes the subway. If some drive, it’s going to be better for those who drive! Classic prisoner’s dilemma. When educated classes line up for a parade, he says, people of conscience have three options – march in the parade, join the cheering throngs on the sidelines, or speak out against the parade (and of course, expect a price for doing that!) and that’s been the story for a thousand years and more. 

    I am not sure I have read anyone else who has so much information on things that happened in the world and is able to cite examples for any question asked, is able to convert that into knowledge that connects the assorted pieces, and then deliver such timeless insights. Irreplaceable, I think.

  • Azadi

    Arundhati Roy

    As always, I must admit a bias for Arundhati Roy. For being an author who has consistently been vocal about rampant capitalistic greed, class prejudices, and more recently, the conversion of India from a democracy to a fascist state. And in doing all this, she holds an uncompromising mirror to those of us whose privilege affords us the luxury of living in bubbles whose walls are impermeable. For now. 

    The book has 9 essays that contain the above, and also touch upon the role of fiction in imagining, processing, and communicating it. Lal Salaam Aleikum, says Anjum, in The Ministry of Utmost Happiness. The book has recurring themes – Kashmir, NRC, CAA, RSS – but I think repeating them is worthwhile, so that the gravity is understood. 

    Kashmir, whose special status, or limited autonomy, granted under Article 370 of the Indian Constitution, was revoked on 5th August by the Indian government. Followed by Narendra Modi appearing on television on 8th August to announce a lockdown of 7 million people so that they could enjoy Indian democracy and progress while living under military occupation. Google Trends surges showed a repeat of plunder patterns from history – “marry a Kashmiri girl” and “buy land in Kashmir”. Women and land. But that’s only the larger population. The nation has higher ambitions. For instance, access to rivers and other natural resources. And so does the ruling party – “One Nation. One Constitution”. Enforced not just with the might of the state machinery, but the 600000 members of the RSS. 

    NRC, the seeds of which were sown in 1837 when the British made Bengali Assam’s official language. Though revoked in the 1870s, it set the stage. In the late 1890’s the British encouraged Bengali Muslims to become workers in the tea plantations, causing an influx that was first met with affection by the natives, but soon turned to discord. Borders were redrawn regularly, and 1947 and 1971 caused a further inflow of populations, and after decades of violence and antagonism, we now have the NRC, whose updated list was published on 31 August 2019. With 1.9 million missing. It didn’t really make the rulers happy because almost half of them are non-Muslims. Predictably, Justice Gogoi ordered the transfer of the chief co-ordinator of NRC, giving no reasons. 

    And then there is the Citizenship Amendment Bill, passed on 11 Dec 2019 as the CAA. Students of Aligarh Muslim University and Jamia Millia Islamia University reacted first. Shaheen Bagh followed. The larger agenda of both NRC and CAA – controlling citizenship. After all, as Hannah Arendt said, “Citizenship is the right to have rights.” And what we are seeing is the systematic disenfranchisement of Muslims and making them second class citizens. 

    All of the essays lay out how the RSS and BJP keep things on boil at all times- NRC, Pakistani Jihadis, Kashmiri terrorists, Bangladeshi ‘infiltrators”, Ram temple, and always, Muslims. Ready to be poured gasoline on, and lit. And backed by a propaganda team – from Bollywood A-listers to sportspersons to media. All components of the fascism playbook, and the regime has the checklist – strong man, ideological army, Aryan superiority, dehumanising of the “internal enemy” and mob justice (113 deaths by mob violence since 2015 – The Quint), propaganda machine, the attacks on academia and assassinations when required, the coteries of businessmen and film stars.

    And the systematic takeover of democratic institutions, as the police get communalised, judiciary abdicate their duty, and the media just want to be lapdogs. Case in point -“Desh ke gaddaron ko, Goli maaro saalon ko”, said Kapil Mishra, who is back in the streets after a very brief interlude. Meanwhile, Justice Muralidhar who was furious with the Delhi Police for not taking action against Mishra, got midnight orders to move to his new assignment in the Punjab High Court. 

    The pandemic is an opportunity to set many things right. But it doesn’t seem to be going in that direction. For instance, the early days saw vast populations being forced back to their villages and small towns just so they could have some dignity. A reminder of the days of partition – class being the driver instead of religion. 

    There is a high likelihood that reading this book and reviewing it will soon be deemed anti-national. As a college lecturer pointed out to Arundhati Roy, among the items recovered from alleged couriers for the Maoists were books she had written. “They’re laying a trail – building a case against you.” Meanwhile, with plans for Nepal and Sri Lanka, the RSS seems to be seeking its version of the German Lebensraum (living space), which the Nazis used to formulate their Generalplan Ost policy – genocide, ethnic cleansing, and colonisation of Central and Eastern Europe . The world can pay heed now, or pay the price again for letting a fascist regime pursue its will. The voices in Kashmir and against NRC and CAA is the same – Azadi. And as Kanhaiya Kumar stated, not from India, but in India.

  • Early Indians

    Before I get to how wonderfully interesting this book is, I have to say I am surprised it hasn’t been banned yet! It easily, and scientifically I would add, dismantles all of the Indigenous Aryans and Out of India Aryan migration theories that have been doing its rounds on not just WhatsApp but larger forms of media, and encouraged by the current powers that be! 

    Tony Joseph starts right from the beginning to answer the questions, “Who are we Indians? Where did we come from?” The beginning is about 65ooo years ago, when Homo sapiens decided to venture out of Africa, and subsequently entered the Indian subcontinent. Although if you ask an archaeologist, the answer would be 120000 years! They are referring to the first group of modern humans who left behind archaeological evidence. The 65000 comes from the geneticists who are talking of humans who left behind a lineage that is still around. 

    The author uses the metaphor of a pizza to show how we got here. The First Indians, from the previous paragraph, forms the base. The story of the next layer – the sauce- begins in the Levant (West Asia), where approximately 20000 years ago, hunter-gatherers were being stressed by the glacial period that turned many areas uninhabitable. Many centuries of experiments on gathering and processing food later, when plant and animal domestication began to see success, some Zagrosian (region of Iran) herders reached Balochistan, around 7000 BCE, mixed with First Indians and formed the basis of the Harappan Civilisation. 

    I don’t think we appreciate the Harappans enough. They were really advanced for their time, in their unique practices and outlook, across multiple facets of what we call civilisation. Public infrastructure, weight standardisation, jewellery and pottery, they excelled at many things. They were around for over 6000 years, created the Dravidian languages and were the ancestors of all Indians. There are some word examples that show the connection between Elamite – an extinct language spoken in a region that is part of present day Iran – and Tamil, Malayalam, Telugu. The occurrence of places ending with vali/oli in Western and Southern India is because of the Proto-Dravidian language connection as (some of) the Harappans started moving southwards when their civilisation collapsed. Fascinating stuff! 

    Back to the pizza. The Aryans were the “cheese” who arrived from the Steppe around 2000 BCE. It was the Aryans who brought in the Indo-European languages. They originated in the Kazakh Steppe and moved across Southern Central Asia and then South Asia. And yes, the earliest Vedas postdates the Harappan civilisation. So it’s not as if the Harappans were the Aryans! The present day Indian population is a product of the intermingling of two sets. ANI [Ancestral North Indians – made up of Harappans (First Indians + Zagros agriculturalists) + Steppe pastoralists] and ASI [Ancestral South Indians – Harappans + First Indians (south)] In addition we have toppings in the form of Austroasiatic and Tibeto-Burman language speakers as well as Greeks, Huns, Sakas, Parsis, Mughals etc. 

    There are three distinct areas of science that have contributed to our understanding (even if it is not complete) of the answers to the two questions. Archaeology, genetics and linguistics. They have their “little” differences, but collectively, they have provided substantial scientific proof. 
    And now, after everything that happened from then until the present day, if we ask who is the best representation of Indians at this point, the answer is a tribal woman, because she carries the deepest rooted lineage. Adivasi (first inhabitant). How ironical given the way we treat them! Civilisation and progress! 

    A must-read if you are even remotely interested in history.

  • Political Order and Political Decay

    Francis Fukuyama

    The first volume – The Origins of Political Order – went straight into my favourites, and so does this one. While the former was about the components of a stable state, and how political institutions developed differently in various parts of the world, this book begins at the dawn of the Industrial Revolution and shows how state, law and democracy developed to their current state, by (also) considering three additional dimensions of socioeconomic development – social mobilisation, idea legitimacy, and economic development. The industrial revolution and the economic growth that followed caused a movement to urban areas, where new social groups were formed based on fluid identities. This mobilisation serves as a foundation for changing political institutions with new ideas. The book also throws light on the various reasons for the decay of institutions, and offers directional thoughts on fixing them. 

    The author frames the development of the stable state by asking how a country can “get to Denmark”, which is the benchmark for an ideal state. While there is some specific focus on the US, also warranted by its early and unique path to democracy, the depth of analysis that has gone into many countries, across Asia, Latin America, Africa, Europe, is just astounding! History, economics, policy, geography, (with critique and usage of content from another favourite book – Guns, Germs & Steel), culture and many other facets, all going into understanding the state of politics in a particular country. There are many routes to modern government, including the necessities that war creates (“unfortunately”, Latin America never had its share, and Europe had plenty of it – both have class stratification, national identity, and geography to thank) and peaceful political reform. And once there, the principle of effective government is meritocracy, the principle of democracy is popular participation, effective states operate through law, but law can be an obstacle to appropriate levels of administrative discretion – how is balance achieved? The material is phenomenally complicated, and bringing it to this level of accessibility is something the author should be credited for. 

    The first part of the book focuses on parts of the world that experienced liberal democracies first – Europe and the US. It also analyses why Germany has an uncorrupt administration while Italy and Greece are plagued by corruption. In the former, how is state strength related to organised crime? How does cynicism and social distrust get culturally embedded? How were Britain and the US able to reform themselves from patronage-led public sectors? And why was Britain able to get there faster than the US? An active middle class accelerated Britain while US got a unified business community and middle class professionals only in the late nineteenth century. At a broad level, we learn early that the sequencing of events matters greatly. Countries where democracy preceded state-building (US) have had higher problems in achieving high-quality governance than those who inherited modern states (Germany, through some excellent civil service reform and an educational system) from absolutists. And that democratic societies without a strong national identity have trouble unifying the population with a common narrative. 

    The second part deals with parts of the world that had been colonised – Latin America, Asia, Africa, and the Middle East. When the imperial powers left, many of these nations were neither fully Westernised nor able to retain their traditional political organisation. However, there are success stories like Costa Rica, which according to many frameworks should have become a banana republic. There are also disasters, like Argentina, which, blessed with climate and resources, should have become a model country. The reasons are complex, and Sub-Saharan Africa vs East Asia is a great example of different development paths. In both areas, as well as Latin America and the Middle East, states that had strong institutions were able to reestablish them, while those that didn’t struggled. Interesting to note that African ethnic groups are largely a modern phenomenon, created or at least consolidated in postcolonial times! The specifics of the Japanese system and how their military-led nationalism has evolved until the present day is also fascinating. The problem that East Asia now faces is making the state accountable. The nuanced difference between rule by law (state using law for its ends) and rule of law (law binding on the state) is superbly explained. In the Middle East, the threat is that popular mobilisations risks being hijacked by religion. 

    Part 3 focuses on democratic accountability and goes back in time to the period after the French and American revolutions to see how democracy spread. The timing in various countries vary depending on the changing relative positions of social classes – middle class, working class, elites, and peasants. The rise and growth of middle class was a great catalyst to democracy. While doing this, it raises a question extremely important for the current times – with increasing globalisation and technological advances, the middle class is getting hollowed out. What happens to democracy then? 

    The final section of the book is on political decay, and there is a heavy focus on the US, which has now gotten tied up in the very checks and balances it had set up to protect democracy. In the author’s words, “there is too much law and too much “democracy” relative to the American state capacity”. It has now become a vetocracy, with economically powerful special interest groups and the judicial arm having hijacked the system and preventing reforms. No modern book can avoid China, and this is further proof. The author sees the Chinese model as the biggest nondemocratic challenge to the idea of liberalised democracies. How will the Chinese middle class behaves in the next few decades? Even as it grows, will it be content to live under a “benevolent” one-party dictatorship? 

    I think I will re-read both volumes, they are such treasure troves of information. If you like books that explain the system of the world, this is a set you most definitely should pick up. 

  • How Fascism Works

    Jason F. Stanley

    In “The Origins of Political Order“, Francis Fukuyama talks about three institutions that have to be in stable balance for democracy to take root and thrive – the state, the rule of law, and accountable government. When that doesn’t happen is when we get contemporary Russia or China. But in various countries, there has been a sharp spike in fascist organisations, either overt or covert, and a polarisation in political discourse. Nations such as Myanmar, India, Poland, Hungary and even the United States may not be called fascist at this point, but are increasingly vulnerable. 

    In “How Fascism Works”, Jason Stanley looks at the structures that are common to Fascist movements – the ten tactics that are the pillars on which the narrative of “us vs them” is created and reinforced. A mythic past that breaks down common history and is rewritten to support the Fascist vision for the present and future. Propaganda that twists democratic ideals to serve their purpose. Anti-intellectualism that attacks universities and academia in general who might challenge their ideas. These three work in tandem to create an “unreality”, followed by the onslaught of conspiracy theories and fake news.

    Group differences are then highlighted, and scientific support for hierarchy is formed. As divisions multiply, victimhood among the dominant population is stoked the moment any minority moves towards progress. As gender equity advances, patriarchy gets threatened, increasing sexual anxiety, which is used to fuel conflict even further. Law and order is then cast as a tool for the majority “us” to be used against “them”. The narrative of us is most applied in the rural heartland, where “our” pure values and traditions still survive. And finally, unions and any social organisation that tries to build unity among diverse citizens is dismantled. So is public welfare since “they” are exploiting “our” generosity. 

    The nation replaces the state, creating a group identity, and using a sense of collective victimhood to call for the defence of that shared identity – ethnicity, religion, skin colour etc. Pluralism and tolerance are targeted in order to isolate “them”. The nation then artificially creates the conditions that would legitimise ethnic cleansing or genocide. 

    If you live in India, as I do, you are bound to recognise a lot of these – the pure Hindu past, love jihad, the sacred cow and lynching of Muslims, attacks on universities, imprisonment and/or killing of writers and activists, the biased use of law and order, and so on. The plight of the Rohingyas in Myanmar is a nearby example too. So is the United States under Trump. 
    There is a systematic normalisation that would make any charge of Fascism seem like an overreaction. This too is part of the process. The way to combat this is by first understanding the tactics, see them for what they are, and share the perspectives widely. That’s why this book is an important read for everyone.